The Atlanta whig. (Atlanta, Ga.) 187?-18??, September 12, 1872, Image 3

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The Atlanta whig., September 12, 1872, Image 3

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Newspaper Page TextTHE WHI G . CIIAKI.K* W. IIUBNER, Cily Editor. Atlanta, Ga., Thursday, Sept. 12, 1872. Agist.-: fob the Atlanta Whig.—The fol lowing gentlemen are agents for The Atlanta Whig, and are authorized to receive subscrip tions: A. L. Hasse, Macon. L. P. Gidgee. Dalton. B. M. Long, Carrollton. George Hansom, Calhoun. William Ellington, Ellijay. Colonel Dick Taylor, Athens. Major Z. B. Habgbove, Rome. Judge A. D. Woods, Buchanan. Dr. A. F. M. Little, Gainesville. • John M. Ward, Postmaster, West Point. All communications pertaining to the busi ness of The Atlanta Whig should be addressed to Geot.ce P. Burnett, “Whig" Office, Atlanta, Ga. e i ■■ Mr. J. C. Rudd is the duly authorized trav eling agent and correspondent of The Atlanta Whig. We commend him to the favor of our friends and the public generally. OUR CITY BUDGET. Rain needed. Dust everywhere. Burglars are still infesting the city. Read all about the “Mammoth Skeleton Whale” in our advertising columns. The weather for the past week bus been quite warm. The city, however, is very healthy. Claims against the United Slates Govern ment —We call attention to the card of Chas. P. McCalla, Esq., in onr advertising columns. We call attention to the advertisement of Messrs. Garrett and Bro. Their reputation as popular aud reliable business men, is well established. Hou. Amos T. Akerman addressed a large and enthusiastic assemblage of our citizens at James' Hall on Monday night. Mr. Aker man spoke with his usual energy, pith aud eloquence and elided repeated applause. The meeting and the address will be ranked among the most successful of the campaign. Owing to the very extensive and constantly increasing circulation of The Atlanta Whig, it offers one of the finest advertising mediums in the South. Our business men are prepar ing for au unusually extensive fall and winter trade, and will find it to their interest to ad vertise liberally in The Atlanta Whig. The remains of Father O’Reilly, the be loved pastor of the Catholic Church of this city, were received in this city on Monday last by an immense assemblage at the Depot. The last solemn rites were bestowed upon the sacred dust, and be was interred with impos ing ceremonies in the vault prepared for the remains under the chancel of the new church, corner of Lloyd and Hunter streets. It is stated on undoubted authority, that the drummers for Greeley & Co., have at last succeeded in getting a colored recruit in this city. His name is “Indian Dick.” He swears • he is for Greeley and also swears that he is an Indian. Why don’t “Rocky” put him on exhibition ? If H. G. can control the Indian vote the other •candidates had better imitate the prudence of Davy Crockett's coon and “come down.” W: y don’t onr city council order the re moval of the “Greeley Radical Headquarter’s” fl ig, and the tri-colored nondescript Smith satellite on its larboard quarter, as an impeiL* iment to vehicle locomotion "and calculated to cause runaways and injury to life ? ” If a perambulating' advertising frame on a man’s head is an evil, a couple of fantastic flags flapping in the eyes of mules and horses, and causing them to run away,is certainly another, and, in our opinion, a greater evil. It's a bad rule that won't work both ways. Married at the residence of Mr. B. W. Izlar, Atlanta, Ga., Sept. sth 1872, by the Rev. Dr. Spalding, Mr. B. O. Camp of Atlanta, to Miss Mamie Ehney of Orangeburg, S. C. No cards. There seams to be some inexplicable affinity between love and electricity, as this is the second fatal case of matrimony which has oc curred in the Western Union Telegraph office in this city, this season; it is getting to be a dangerous rival to Ponce de Leon Springs. We extend to friend Camp and his amiable and lovely bride our sincerest congratulations. The City Council at its last session passed a resolution instructing the police “to arrest any person found walking the streets with a bouse on his head.” The next thing will be an order for the ar rest of any one found “with a brick in his bat.” The cause for the aforesaid resolution was a large house shaped frame, plastered over with advertisement-, which some enterprising chap carried around the streets “in a slow and solemn manner ” to the terror of all quadrupeds. However, a man with a house on his head would be apt to walk in a very “slow an! solemn manner," anyhow. Fax Your. Taxes—We call attention to the following official letter from Hon. Madison Bell, Comptroller General, addressed to one of the county tax collectors, relative to the collection of taxes: C.IMPTF.OLLEB GENERALS OFFICE, Atlanta, Ga , Aug. 29, 1872. ■T. 7. Kolti.ia . Tax Collector, Thomasville, Ga. ’ Sin Your letter of the 27th inst, has b»en received. I’is yotir duty to publish, at the court uoi: door, y< :ir insolvent list for 1871, and to fur.iish election managers of the coun ty a list of all parsons who have not paid their taxes for that y ar, in accordance with para- 7, s.eti n 937, Irwin’s Code, and all persons who have not paid all taxes which may have been required of them, aud which they may have had an opportunity of paying, agreeably to law for the year next preceding the election, cannot, under the Constitution, lie allowed to vote. The payment o! the tax f- r the year 1871 entitle, the citizens to vote in the elections of the present year, and yon will receive the tax for that year and receipt accordingly, although the tax pays- may be in arrears for former years. In Caso < f default in the payment of poll tax for 1871, you will collect one dollar as a poll tax and one dollar as a penalty for faillie to comply with tte law. R-o-ptclfully, Madison Bell, Comptroller General. Go fiagraat lirrsth of summer flowers— Go sigh it cast and west; Say I’ve been kissed—so sweetly kissed By one that Hove best. I felt the beating of his heart, Responsive strong to mine:— OI in it all there seemed to be A something half divine. The above verges, written in a lady's dainty chirography, on tinted and perfumed note paper, was picked up a few evenings since in one of the parlors of the Kimball House. A number of old ladies, we learn, have re solved themselves into an Investigating Com mittee, on the pattern of the late Legislature Smelling Committee, to find out, if possible, the names of the happy parties. Hon. Dawson A. Walker’s Appointments.— Hon. Dawson A, Walker, Republican candi date for Governor, will address the people upon the issues now before the country at the following times and places, to-wit: Thursday, Sept. 12Greensboro, Greene county Saturday, Sept. 14Athens, Clarke county Monday, Sept. IGJefferson, Jackson county Tuesday, Sept. 17Danielsville, Madison county Wednesday, Sept. 18Hartwell, Hart county Thursday, Sept. 19Carnesville, Franklin county Friday. Sept. 20Homer, Banks county Saturday, Sept. 21,. .Clarkesville, Habersham county Monday, Sept. 23 .Cleveland, White county Tuesday, Sept. 24Dahlonega. Lumpkin county Thursday. Sept. 26Dawsonville, Dawson county Friday, Sept. 27Cumming, Forsyth county Saturday. Sept. 28Cauton, Cherokee county Monday, Sept. 30Jasper. Pickens county Tuesday, Oct. lEllijay, Gilmer county Wednesday, Oct. 2Spring Place, Murray county Hon. James M. Smith is respectfully invited to join in discussion at each and all these ap pointments with assurances of a fair and equi table division of time at each of them. The following is a complete and official list ot the names of citizens of Chattooga county, Ga., who are “claimants against the Uni ted States for property alleged to have been ta ken or furnished for the use of the Union ar mies, it being represented that during the late rebellion the sympathies o' these claimants were constantly with the cause of the United States; that they never of their own free will or accord, did, or attempted to do, anything, by word O’- deed, to injure said cause or retard its success, and that they were at all times, ready and willing to assist the Union cause, so far as their means and power admitted:” Robert Allen, Wm Anders, Mary Atkinson, Margaret Awtery, Thomas Barbour, Thomas G Barker, Robert Beaty, John L Belote, Wm Berry, Allen Blanks, Wm P Bowles Christo pher C Boyle, Benjamin Branner, Macnm H Brisbin, Peter T Carrell, Mary Chandler, Ma ry Jane Clemmons, Mrs S C Clowdis, Andrew Cowey, Mary Dees, Sarah A Dodson, John Duffey, Thompson Ellison, Samuel Findley, Robert S Foster, John Foster, Drury Fry, James 11 Gilreath, Wm II Gilreath, Geo H Gilreath, Mrs Harriett Y Gordon, Miles R Hammon, Eckloo R Harper, Wm Harper, Samuel Harper, Wm Harpe, Jasper N Haw kins, Wm H Hawkins, James T Hawkins, Robert A Hemphill, Wm Hemphill, Hartford Heuley, Middleton Hollis, Delila Hood, Nan cy L Horn, Elisha Horn, John Horn, J H Hutchins, R H C Johnson, Adarine Johnson, John Johnson, Joshua Johnston, James Johnston, Catharine Johnson, Wyatt John ston, James P Johnston, Sarah Kimble, John B Knowles, Martin Lawrence, Thomas Lo den, Julia McCoy, Job McKohan, Wm J Ma rion, Wm Meroney, H M Mills, Andrew J Moore, P N Morgan, Reuben Morrison, Da vid Murdock, Adam Neal, Lydia C Nelson, John B Obanuon. Matthew Owings, Elizabeth Parks, Oscar F Perry, Elizabeth T Pledger, Matilda Plowman, James M Pursley, sen; Sa- David R Ramsey, John Roe, Gracey Rounsavall, Mary Rutledge, Susan C Sewell, Wesley Shropshire. Henry A Sims, J G Sims, John Smith, Thomas S Smith, Wm Stewart, Martha J Stout, Little B Strange, Elizabeth Thomas, Narcissa Thompson, Lucy Weaver, Andrew Williams, Lowry Williams, SamnmSi? Woods, Abner ><Tili: PROHISBU ah Open Letter to Horace Greeley—Ex- Govcrncr Bullock of Georgia Replies to line Assualt made upon him by Greeley in His Portland Speech—He says that the Increase in the Debt of Georgia In Four Years of Republican Rule is Only $4,M00,000, Instead of $40,000,000 as Charged—Every Bond and Every Dol lar Legitimately Issued and Accounted for—Over GOO Miles of Railroad Con structed—lncrease of Over Fifty Millions in the Value of Property in the State Under Republican Control, and no In crease In the Rate of Taxation. To the / honorable Horace Greeley, Candidate for President of the United States: Sib : In a speech delivered by you at Port land, Maine, you bring mo before your audi ence by name. The Tribune publishes a re port of your remarks with the editorial an nouncement that it was “n prepared speech, carefully written out, and read from the manu script." That publication was doubtless made from your manuscript, and by authority, as it appears one day later than the telegraphic re ports ; and in this manner yon have brought me before the country. The latest previous occasions upon which you honored me with your notice, was when we met as invited guests on the stage of the Academy of Music, daring the evening ceremonies attending the unveil ing of the statue of Professor Morse; and in your letter to me of October last, expressing your regret at your inability to attend our Georgia State Fair. In that letter you were kind enough to assure me, among other things, that the prospects were good for Republican success in the then pending elections. You abstained from exhibiiing or expressing any want of confidence in the liepubliean admin istration of Georgia on either occasion. All the slander and abuse of me which could be invented and printed, by those who now sup port yon in the South—in Georgia—had then been invented and printed, and yet It is not until the 14th of August, present, that you were willing to say, as you do iu your Portland speech, “carefully written ont, and read from the manuscript,” that “they (those who sup port y»u in the South) cherish a joyful hope, in which I freely concur, that between the sth of November and the 4th of March next quite a number of the governors and other dignita ries w ho, in the abused names of Republican ism and loyalty, have for years been piling debts and taxes upon war-wasted States, will follow the wholesome example of Bullock of Georgia, and seek the shades of private life. The darker and denser those shades the bet ter for themselves and mankind. And the hope that my election may hasten this much desired hegira of the thieving carpet-baggers, has reconciled to the necessity of supporting me many who would otherwise have hesitated and probably refused.” It is true that upon that paragraph you could not be convicted-of having asserted that I “.have for years been piling debts and taxes upon • • • war-wasted States,” or, that 1 am a “thieving carpet bagger," but that you intended by your reference to imply this is plain. You know me and of me too well to believe the charge to boa correct or just one. You do nc! so believe, and yet you make it I What am Ito think ? Either that yon sought to make yourself more acceptable to those who support you in the South, by giving currency and dignity to their slanders, without incur ring the responsibility of making a direct as sertion, or that you Lave voluntarily earned and taken upon yourself the forcible but in elegant appellation that i/ou would apply, were you in my place under similar circumstances. You know, Mr. Greeley, that 1 was a resi dent citizen of Georgia before, during and after the rebellion: that there nil my social and pecuniary interests aro centered; that I re- signed the Presidency ot an important Rail road Company in Georgia to accept the office of Governor; that I accepted the reconstruc tion policy of Congress as being the best for ua at the South, aud have faithfully endeavor ed to carry it out; that until the issue was made on the right of a negro to hold office aud a seat in the Legislature there was no ill said against mo even by my political oppo nents; that my successful efforts in restoring the negro members to the Legislature against the opposition of General Toombs and his Ku-Klux is the cause for the slanders which they have put in circulation, and which have since pursued me, and that I could at any time have purchased peace and praise by yielding my support to them then and to you now. All this is within your knowledge, and yet you, Mr. Greeley, from the pinnacle of your most ambitious desires, have gathered calumnies together and pitch them down upon me. the unwritten law. You admit, Mr. Greeley, that there is au unwritten law which prohibits a candidate for the high office to which you aspire from discussing political topics. Is not the pro hibition of that unwritten law still more stringent to restrain one occupying the emi nent position of a Presidential candidate from giving public utterance to calumny? May he avail himself of that great height to display to the world how recklessly he has abandoned faith, fairness, and truth to reach it, and the impunity with which he can scat ter slander and abuse upon those whom he now opposes ? Can he who uses the promi nence of his candidacy to rob even the hum blest citizen of his good name and reputation, be trusted to “preserve, protect and defend” the lesser values of life, liberty and property? That unwritten law, Mr. Greeley, is the public opinion formed by the intelligent mas ses, unerring and decisive. You have broken the law in a remarkable manner, and will not those who make the law give their verdict against him who has violated it ? THE OLD ISSUE. But by the injustice you have stooped to do me, Mr. Greeley, you have ignored the re striction that would render it presumptous in me, a private citizen, to address myself to you publicly, or to criticise your utterances. As you have tuns opened the door for me, how ever, my purpose is to enter and present to you some facts. The facts to which I shall invite your attention were all well known to you before, and are known to you now, but you are doubtless unwilling aud ashamed to admit it. This Portland speech of yours, Mr. Greeley, was “ prepared, carefully written out, and road from the manuscript,” and must, therefore, be accepted as a matured statement of the meas ures which your election is intended to pro mote. Certainly it must be received as your understanding of the issue upon which the American people are to be divided and to give their decision at the ballot-box. And what is that issue as you present it ? Is it not the same old story of men out of office seeking to supplant those in office ? You confine the ap plication, however, to the Southern States, and that brings up the old issue of recon struction. You say that those who support you in the South hope that your election may hasten the much desired hegira of the thieving carpet baggers, and that you think you hear a voice from the honest people of all the States declaring that this iniquity (Republican State governments in the South) shall be gainful and insolent no longer, at farthest, than to the 4th of March next. Does it not occur to you that the people have already passed judgment on these very measures ? Is there not a strik ing similarity between the “joyful hope” in the South for the measures your election is in tended to promote, and the promises held out in General Blair’s celebrated Brodhead let ter? Did he not propose to use the army to “ disperse the carpet-bag governments?" Did not the Democratic Convention which nomi nated him declare the reconstruction acts of Congress, under which those governments wore formed by the whole people—white and black—to be “revolutionary, unconstitutional and void ? ” Do you not remember the ver dict ot the people on that issue ? It is the same “chasm,” Mr. Greeley, not “bloody,” but black. In 18G8 the black man stood in the “ chasm ” with the ballot in his hand, and the Democracy asked the nation to reoonoilo them by taking the ballot away. In 1872 the De mocracy promise to “ clasp hands ” over the “chasm,” and to consent to tha black man keeping the ballot, if you will see to it that there is no interference with “ local self-gov ernment” while they exercise their peculiar forces for directing the black man how to use the ballot. The great majority of the loyal hearts in the nation responded to the first re quest by electing him who “had never boon defeated, aud never will be,” to preside over the Government, and their Congress enacted laws to protect that ballot with the bnllct if necessary. That majority will soon be in creased for General Grant that bo may con tinue to afford complete protection to every citizen both at home and abroad, whether assailed by Spanish injustice, Mexi can banditti or Confederate Ku-Klux, and carry out bis expressed, desire to secure “a pure, untrammeled ballot, where every man entitled to cast a vote may do so, just once, at each election, without fear of molestation or proscription on account of his political faith, nativily or color." And bring about that “happy condition of tho country when the old citizens of these (tho Southern) States will take an interest in public affairs, promul gate ideas honestly entertained, vote for men representing their views, and tolerate tho same freedom of expression and ballot in those en tertaining different political convictions.” You cannot believe, Mr. Greeley, that the American people will be any more willing in 1872 to authorize you to withdraw tho protec tion of the General Government from the loyal citizens, and voters and governments of the South, that tho Ku-Klux may cause a “ hegira,” than they were in 1868 io permit General Blair to perform that service for tho Rebels with the Union army, REFRESHES mb. oheeley'b memory. For fear that you might convince yonfself that you had forgotten the reconstruction is sue, you will, I hope, pardon mo, Mr. Gree ley, while I ask you to recall tc your mind that in 1865 and 1866 President Johnson re constructed the Southern States-®" the late rebel States”—by appointing Governors and disfranchising, by a property qualification, a large number of white men—all who were pos sessed of, say ten thousand dollars' worth of property, and ignoring all the freedmen. The “Black Codes,” enacted by, and the conspi cuous absence in the Johnson Governments of any appreciation of what was due to the colored race in its then condition of freedom led Congress to adopt the Reconstruction acts. By those acts all male persons of ago, black and white, rich and poor, except the few who had sworn as officials to support the Constitu tion of the United States and afterward en gaged in armed rebellion against it, were to vote in the several States. Ist. Whether or not a convention should be called to frame a State Constitution. 2d. If a majority voted “aye" then dele gates were to be elected to that convention. 3d. The Constitution so framed was to be submitted to a vote of the people. 4th. If a majority of the voters adopted the Constitution, and it was accepted by Con gress, then an election was held for the offi cials provided for in that Constitution. You approved of this programme, these acts, and under them “local self-governments with impartial suffrage" 'were established in all the “late rebel States.” You urged all to accept and enforce those acts. You have not forgotten it. What, then, do you mean when you .say that the hope that your election may hasten the much-desired overthrow of all this, has reconciled to tho necessity of supporting you “many in tho South who would have otherwise hesitated, and probably, refused? In pledging yourself to recognize, in tho dis tribution of offices, all the heterogenous ele ments which may come to your support, you convey your moaning to tho average office seeker by the following happy figure: “I nev er yet heard of a man who invited his neigh bors to help him raise a house and proceeded to kick them out as soon as the roof was over jis bead." Thoso who are in office and those who desire to bo must decide for themselves as to the value of this assurance. But what I desire now is to ask whether by your recom mending the support of the Congressional measures of reconstruction you have not in vited your neighbors in the South to raise the house of Republican Governments there? And now that it is fairly over your and their heads, are you not trying to kick them cut that your new friends may get in ? Now, Mr. Greeley, let me refresh your mem ory as to the manner in which this Congres sional policy of reconstruction was inaugu rated. I will confine myself to the case ol Georgia, and I believe that to be t> fair illus tration of tho proceedings in all tho other late rebel States. Tho names of all the male citi zens of the State, rich and poor, black aud white, except tho few by law excluded for rea sons before stated, (less than 5,000 of the 225,000 voters in the State,) were registered. An election was held. The Democracy, who had approved President Johnson's reconstruc tion on an exclusive white basis, abstained from participating in the election. In their opinion the “terms”—equal suffrage for white and black—would “involve a surrender of their manhood.” Neverthe’ess, more than half of the registered voters voted, and nearly unanimous in favor of a convention. Dele gates were elected, a largo majority of whom were Republicans, and tho Constitution framed by that Convention was adopted by the people. In that Constitution there is not now and never was one lino or word of dis franchisement or disability—every man in tho State can vote, aud hold office if elected. In the spring of 1868 au election was held for Governor and a Legislature under that Con stitution, and, true to their instincts when of fice was to be had, tho Democracy waived “their manhood” and entered upon air active canvass. A Confederate Lieutenant General now one of those who support you—was nom inated by them for Governor, with Colonels and Majors and Captains “too numerous to mention” for members of the General Assem bly. The Republicans succeeded in giving me a good majority, eleeting at the same time a majority of the Senators, out by a non-cn forcement of the law, a large number of dis qualified mon wore seated in the House, and the Democracy thereby controlled it. “REVOLUTIONARY,UNCONSTITUTIONAL AND VOID," On the 4th day of July, 1868, the Demo cratic National Convention declared the re construction acts of Congress to be “revolu tionary, unconstitutional And void," and very soon afterward the Georgia Legislature en forced that declaration by expelling all its colored members- nearly thirty—and seated disqualified Democrats. This defiance of the reconstruction acts became an important ele ment in the discussions during the Presiden tial campaign of that year, and tho result of the election was a decisive condemnation of the unlawful proceeding. As you are aware, Mr. Greeley, to the best of my ability I pro tested, iu official messages to the Legislature, against this great outrage, at the time the col ored members were expelled, and upon the assembling of Congress iu the following De cember I, in a memorial, invited the attention of that honorable body to this practical illus tration of the intent and purpose of the Sey mour and Blair platform. The Tribune was kind enough to commend my action at that time, but I presume now that you did not write tho article. The issue before the country in the Presi dential campaign of 1868 was that of equal suffrage and equal rights for black and white, as put iu practice in tho late rebel States by the reconstruction acks. You sustained tho affirmative, and the good cause triumphed in the election of General Grant, and npon Presi dent Grant’s recommendation, Congress pass ed an act in December, 1869, providing for the restoration of the colored members who had been expelled from our Legislature, and excluding those who had been seated in defi ance of the law, and it was made my duty, by that act of Congress, to participate in those proceedings. Under that act of Congress those members were restord to the seats from which they had been ejected, and tho wrath of the Ku-Klux was publicly proclaimed in ven geance against its authors, aids and abettors. That vengeance was enforced against mo as follows: KU-KLUX CONSPIRACY. In December, 1870, an election was held for members of Congress and a State Legislature. In that election General Toombs took an active part. Tho election law was ignored aud de fied by him and his Ku-Klux in the Fifth Con gressional District. Election managers were imprisoned, votes of colored men were re fused, and the result was the return of General Toombs’ son-in-law as a member of Congress, for a district having a majority a>< over three thousand colored voters;’ Witir one or two exceptions every county in this district has a Republican majority, aud would have elected Republican members to the Legislature, and a Republican M. C., but by tho management* and violence under General Toombs' direction this majority was overthrown in every county but one, and only two Republican members were returned to the Legislature from the whole district. Tho result of this was to place the Legislature in the complete control of General Toombs by a large majority on all political questions. Under the Constitution of Georgia, the presiding officer elected by the Senate is ex-officio Lieutenant Governor, and becomes Governor during tho unexpirod term, upon tho death, resignation or disability of the Governor. The Legislature, elected as I have explained, was to assemble and organ ize on the first day of November, 1871. Tho concerted plan, whereby the conspirators in tended to wreak vengeance upon tno, and at the same time usurp the Executive Depart ment of the Government, was to elect the Senator representing General Toombs' dis trict as President of the Senate, pass articles of impeachment against me iu the House, and on their being presented to tho Senate, claim my suspension from office during trial by that body, and thereupon swear iu tho Ku-Klux President of tho Senate as Governor ad interim. It was perhaps not expected that my couvic tion c.ould bo had (at least I havo since been so informed), but tho trial was to be kept on and continued during the balance of the term. To defeat this well-laid scheme of General Toombs I resigned my office two days before the assembling of hia Legislature, aud by that act made Judge Conley, who was then the Re publican President of the Senate, Governor during the unexpired part of my term. Ac cording to tho Constitution Governor Conley should have held tho office till the second Wednesday in January, 1873. Thus it was that in tho effort to save Re publican supremacy in Georgia, I sacrificed myself by resigning the high office to which I had been elected by the people,- and it was in this manner and for these reasons that I was induced to “seek the shades of private life.” OHBELEY NEVER BBSIONB. Did you, Mr. Greeley, over resign au office or decline a nomination for the purpose of promoting the interests of jour party ? Did your ever resign or decline for any reason whatever ? On the contrary have you not been ever since “Saturday evening, Nov. 11, 1854,” plotting revenge because of unsatisfied am bition ? Have you not prayed and betrayed every President aud Vice President you helped to elect from General Harrison to General Grant? Have you not alternately praised and abused every public man, except Horace Gree ley, from that day to this ? Were you not ready and willing to destroy the Whig parly, of which you were a trusted leader, in order to secure your own election as Governor of New York in 1854 ? Were you not prevented from eonsumating that treason by the firmness and fidelity of Governor Seward and Mr. Weed ? If not, what is the meaning of the following admission in your letter of November 11, 185 C to Mr. Seward ? “I suspect it is true that I could not havo been elected Governor as a But had he and you (Weed and Sew ard ) boon favorable there would have been a parly in the State ere this which could and would have elected me to any p>ost." u. o. ANO J. i>. From Memphis, in June of last year, you said very truly that those who now support you in the South “propose to renew thofight, but not with guns and sabres. They expect to regain as Democrats through elections what they lost as Rebels through war. • • * They will seek to coerce enough of it (the colored vote) into voting tho Democratic ticket to give them a majority of tho Southern electoral vote for next President” With equal correct ness your friend Jefferson Davis announced in his speech at Atlanta that the “Lost Cause" would Im regained by dividing tho Republican party in the North and uniting the solid Rebel electoral vote with that of tho Union traitors. In this connection will you • rise and explain ’ what were the circumstances under which you obtained your consent to " fire the Southern heart ” by your scathing and sweeping denun ciation of the “ carpet-baggers ” at your Union Square speech after your trip to Texas ? Was not this your public pledge of fealty and bid for the leadership of ex-President Davis’ reor ganized army ? Did you not commune with yourself and a few others on your return from Texas iu 1871, and say, " I suspect it is true that 1 cannot bo elected Governor, or to auy other office as a Republican.” But the Copperheads, Rebels and n few Republicans being favorable, there will be a parly in tho country which can and will elect mo to any post even President of the I’niled States.* ” Did you not speak con temptuously of tho Whigs as tho “swell mob of coon minstrels and cider suckers at Wash ington,” iu the samo mauner and for the same reason that you now characterize Republicans as “thieving carpet-baggers?" Carpet baggers, thieving carpet-baggers, carpet-bag governments, etc., by reason of Democratic iteration and reiteration, have be come synonymous with Republicans, Repub lican officials and Republican governments in the Southern States, and you, Mr. Greeley, a nominee for President of the United States, give utterance in a prepared speech to this Rebel slang I You do more. You charge that “tho thieving carpet-baggers have stolon at least" ninety millions of dollars “from the already impoverished and needy." Do you believe this ? Have you ever seen any evidence of it? Can you cite one single fact to prove it ? Or do you rely upon the statements of partisan newspapers ? I have seen it stated in those samo journals that a largo amount of money was paid to Governor Fenton for his approval of a railroad bill. Do you believe this accusation against the cx-Governor upon that character of evidence ? EXACT STATEMENT OF FACTS. For more than a year the journals that sup port you in the South, aud some of those in tho North, hare retailed the slanders against me and against my administration of affairs in Georgia, aud public speakers of distinction arguing in your interest have uttered them. Content to rely upon tho truth and correct ness of my official records, and leave to time the refutation of my defamers, I did not con sider those assailants worthy of specific no tice; but now that you, Mr. Greeley, the can didate of tho great opposition party for the highest office in the world, give color, if not emphasis, to those slanders, and assume to present them as a reason, if not the only rea son, for the defeat of a Republican President, I feel that duty to the party, to myself and to you demand that I should repeat to you an exact statement of the facts concerning that administration. Reform is loudly claimed by you and your allies as tho purpose for which you demand the defeat of Gen. Grant, yet in your prepared speech, “ carefully written out and read from the manuscript," the only measure of reform which you present to tho eovntry is based upou tho alleged wrongs and misdoings by Republican State officials iu tho Southern States. Do you use this because the people of tho North are loss likely to bo so well in formed as to its falsity as they are in regard to those other slanders of the "New York Cus tom house,” “Nepotism,” “French arms swindle," “Long Branch cottage,” “Santo Domingo,” etc.? You know they are all equally without foundation. But, Mr. Greeley, if all that is or can be said against tho South ern State Republican administrations were true, how is it tho fault of the President? All of those State Governments except Virginia and Mississippi were elected by the people and inaugurated before -Gen. Grant was elected President, and beyond enforcing the acts of Congress—all of which you have approved— tho President has had no more to do with the iuternal affairs or local officials of those States than with Maine or Massachusetts. Therefore, admitting that the statements made by tho Ku-Klux and repeated by you to bo true, Gon. Grant cannot bo held responsible for the al leged evils, but as I know these statements are false as to one State, I assume that they are false as to all tho States. Tho statements are not true as to Georgia. Group the charges made against the Republi can administration in Georgia, by those for whom you speak Mr. Greeley, and they are as follows: That before the “Radicals” took charge of her affairs, the State had but little or no debt, aud that tho net earnings of the State’s railroad, under Democratic control, paid ail or nearly all of the State's expenses; that under “Radical rule” none but “carpet baggers” were permitted to hold office; that the State debt had boon increased various amounts, ranging from forty to fifty millions, with no record or account of the bonds or of their proceeds; that all of these bonds and proceeds had boon stolen by the “ thieving carpet-baggers," and that the State’s railroad had been given away to Cameron and Delano in trust for Grant. All this, it is alleged, has been done by “Bullock and tho Radicals in Georgia.” THIS TRUTH PUBLISHED* IN THE TBIBUNE FOE CONSIDEBATION. Now, Mr. Greeley, the truth is,- as you know, or ought to know, for it was published for a consideration iu the Tribune while you worejits editor—that the Republican admin istration was inaugurated in Georgia, July 4, 1868; that among all the principal Republican officials -Chief Justice and Associate Justices Supremo Court, Judges and Solicitors General Superior Courts, Judges and Attorneys of the District Courts, Attorney General, Governor, Secretary of State, Comptroller General,Treas urer, Commissioner of Public Works, etc., etc., there is not one man who was not a resident citizen or native of Georgia and a slaveholder before and during the war; that the bonded debt of Georgia, July 4, 1868, $6,25(1,635; that the increase of that debt during my adminis tration of nearly four years was only $4,800,- 000, of which $3,000,000 was for State expen ses, payment of anti-war bonds, interest etc., etc., and sl,Boo,oooffor railroad construction. So that instead of forty or fifty millions in crease in tho State debt by the “Radicals”— the “thieving carpet-baggers”—it was less than five millions. Tho contingent liability incurred during that period by State indorse ment on the mortgage bonds of railroads con structed within the State was $6,683,400. In stead of these amounts or any part of them being stolen, tho records of Georgia show every bond and every dollar registered and ac counted for—nearly one million of her anti war debt and interest redeemed and canceled, the payment of tho expenses of tho Constitu tional Convention, elections, legislative ex penses for five sessions, free schools, interest on the public debt nearly four years, cost of Capitol and public buildings and Executive mansion made necessary by removing of tho Capitol from Milledgeville to Atlanta, enlarge ment and additions to tho asylums, etc., etc., support of the public institutions nearly four years, over six hundred miles of railroad con structed and now running within the State, and an increase of oner fifty millions in the value of property as shown by the returns made by property holders, at their own valuation, tor tax ation. So that instead of “piling debts and taxes on their war-wasted States, as you say, we have caused to bo built over six hundred miles of railroad within tho State, and enhanc ed tho value of property thereby over fifty millions of dollars in less than four years of liepubliean legislation and administration. This has been accomplished, too, in spite of the most relentless, vindictive, and murder ous opposition, and there has boon no increase in the rate of taxation. These figures that I have given you are facts Mr. Greeley. They do not lie, and you and tho Democracy, and Toombs’ Legislature with its committees whereby ho promotes the pe cuniary iutorests of his clients and himself, and persecutes his personal and political ene mies, may twist and turn, distort and reverse them how you may, tho truth of them cannot be overcome. The figures aro eopper-fasten ed but not “copper-headed." TUB BEAL COMPLAINT. The real complaint is not against the doing but against tho doers. All this, which would be commended by you now if the Democracy held tho offices, is “thieving carpet-baggery" when accomplished by Republicans white and black. But tho crowning outrage with which we are charged is the stealing of the State s rail road and giving it to Messrs. Cameron and Delano in trust for President Grant. It is possible, Mr. Greeley, that you did not know that this railroad was built by the State, and opened from Atlanta to Chattanooga some twenty years ago. During these years, up to July 4, 1868, under Democratic management, it bad cost the State (not including war times) $2,165,273 more money to run tho road than it paid into the Treasury. Wo poor despised Radicals, however, passed a lnw authorizing the lease of the road, and appointing a com mission to wind up its affairs and pay its old debts. Under this law the road has been leased to the highest responsible bidder—a company of Georgia railroad officialsand their associates, who have given the State a good bond for eight millions of dollars security to pay into the State Treasury twenty-five thou- sand dollars oaali at tho end of every month for twenty years, aud return tho road in good order to Hie State at the expiration of that time. Instead of stealing the road we have flvod it so your new friends can't steal it, and “that's what’s the matter.” Tho Democrats made tho State lose nearly three millions iu tho twenty years last past; and wo make it FAY MORE THAN SIX MILLIONS TO THE STATE during the twenty years to come. After tho election please give mo your honest opinion as to whether the Georgia Republicans are en titled to praise or blame. It would not bo politic for you to do so before. Under Republican legislation and adminis tration in Georgia, Mr. Greeley, every State bond that matured was promptly paid. • The interest on tho public debt was liquidated when due, and tho general expenses of tho State were paid in cash on demand. Internal improvements were encouraged, over twenty millions of foreign capital wore brought to and invested iu the Slate, aud tho universal confidence and prosperity that prevailed was evidenced by the enhanced wealth of the peo ple as shown by their own estimates of the value of theit property. Under tho present regime, which by no means represents a ma jority of the people of the State, the fair name of the good old Commonwealth is dis graced by a set of vindictive repudiate™ who have ruined her credit aud her reputation. TENSIONS FOB CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS. And now, Mr. Greeley, I must claim your attention while I speak of other matters in your carefully prepared speech; the one you read from the manuscript. You state most positively that “ no South ern man who could bo elected to a Legislature or made Colonel of a militia regiment, ever suggested the pensioning of Rebel soldiers, or any of them, even as a remote possibility‘"nnd yet you must, have read in your newspapers from Georgia, that at tho present session ot tho Legislature, composed largely of Southern men who support you, and who arc not only "Colonels” but Generals, bills have been in troduced, and up to the latest dates had passed tho lower House, giving pensions to disabled Confederate soldiers, and to exempt the property of disabled Confederate soldiers from taxation. A leading member of the House, on whose motion these and kindred measures were adopted, said iu his spoeoh commending them that tho “widows and orphans of the State who are debarred of tlio bight or tension, extended to Federal soldiers, shonld be cared for "—and on the samo day that these proceed ings were had, bills were reported by commit tee to repudiate bonds and debts legally in the bands of,and justly due to Northern Repub licans. Do you believe these Greeley men would hesitate to adopt precisely tho same propositions if they had a majority in Con gress? When, it' ever, those mon have that majority—and the leaders are now Greeley candidates for Congress—do you not know that tho alternative will bo presented and in sisted npon, of payment for Confederate bonds, cotton and slaves, pensions for Gene rals and soldiers, widows and orphans, or re pudiation of the Union debt ? Tho demand would bo “consolidation of tho Confederate and Federal bonds, or tho payment or neither” —and you would surrender. JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION. You also say: “ From those who support mo in the South, I have heard but one demand— Justice. Ono desire—Reconciliation.” Do you forgot tho martyrs Ashburn, Adkins, Ayer andllnflln; all white mon, native Georgians, and Republican officials in Georgia, who lost their lives for.opinion’s sake by the bauds of Democratic assassins ? Do you remember the massacre at Camilla, Georgia, where Republi cans, white and black, were shot down and hunted through the forest with dogs, because they dared to attempt holding a Republican meeting where one had been forbidden by those who now support you iu the South? These are but sample cases of hundreds simi lar in atrocity and of later date. Have you over hoard from those who support you in the South a demand for justice upon tho fiends among their own number who perpetrated these bloody deeds? Have they ever extended, offered or exercised Reconciliation towards those persons in their communities who had tho temerity to denounce these outrages and to sustain the political rights of tho negro ? On the contrary, did not tho Convention of those who support you in Georgia teontemptu ously ignore even tho small squad of recalci trant Republicans who humbly offered to fall down and worship you with "them tho other day st Atlanta ? Tho Toombs Legislative Committees having been compelled to admit that thoro wore no bonds issued during my administration that were not regularly executed, recorded and ac counted for as required by law, now raise a question upon tho constitutionality of the laws by which tho issue was authorized, and as sume to decide that question adversely, by recommending repudiation. The Legislature refused to accept an amendment to the report, offered by a loading Democrat, to submit tho question of constitutionality to tho State Su preme Court, a majority of which is now Dem ocratic. Thus a legislative body, a largo ma jority of whom support you, usurp tho func tions of tho Executive and Judicial branches of tho Government; pass and enforce judg ment upon the constitutionality of laws en acted by their predecessors, and deny to citi zens who aro wronged and robbed tho right of appeal even to our own courts. Is this Jus tice ? Is this Reconciliation ? Would tho same mon in Congress hesitate to dcclaro.and to vole that the laws authorizing tho national debt were unconstitutional, and refuse to make appropriations for the payment of tho interest or principal ? My predecessor in office, who was selected under tho Johnson policy, refused to recog nize the validity of tho reconstruction acts, and instead of turning the Government prop erty aver to his legitimate successor ho ab sconded, fled tho State, and curried with him or concealed the public treasure, tho archives and the Executive seal. Tho Republican au thorities of tho State neither pursued nor prosecuted him. Now that those who sup port you and agree with him that tho recon struction acts nro "revolutionary', unconstitu tional and void," have a majority iu the Leg islature, a resolution directing tho presenta tion to him of a medal has been adopted, with tho following as a part of tho preamble: “Whereas, Gratitude to a great and good man, deference to tho tho people of Georgia, and tho encouragement of patriotism and virtue in tho generations to come, alike render it good that wo should make and put in imperishable form « recognition <f his Jidelily to his trust; therefore be it resolved, etc.” May we not reasonably expect a similar preamble in honor of “ox-Presidont Jefferion Davis" as a measure of Justice and Heconcilla lion, when tho same parties, under your lead, secure a majority in Congress, As Mr. Lincoln said thirteen years ago, is not all this talk by you of justice and reconcili ation for those who support you in the South, “one of thoso sophistical contrivances * * • * such as Union appeals, beseeching Union mon to yield to disuuiouists, reversing the Divino rule, and calling not sinners but tho righteous to repentance NULLIFICATION. Speaking of thoso who support you iu tho South, you say, Mr. Greeley, “they wish to bo heartily reunited and at peace with tho North on any terms which du not. involve a sur render of their manhood." Docs it not occur to you ihat the terms hero stated are quite in definite ? Twelve years ago “their manhood" would not submit to the election of a “Black Republican" President, and they made war to destroy tho Government. Four years ago, and since, “their manhood" would not per mit negroes to enjoy equal civil and political privileges. At present “their manhood" re volts at the thought of any one daring to deny their sacred right to compel tho negro to ex ercise his civil and political privilege as they may dictate. In fact, do you not know that “their manhood” will accept nothing less than tho sumo complete surrender to them by the whole Union element which they have ac cepted from yourself, and a very small por tion of it t , EQUITY ANU BIOUT. You say that those who support you in the Booth “ask that they shall be regarded and treated by tho Federal authorities as citizens, not culprits, so long as they obey and uphold every law consistent with equity and right." Now when that sentence was carefully writ ten out and read from tho manuscript, did it not impress yon that there was a striking har mony between this proposition and the doc trine of nullification ? If thoso who support you in the South aro to judge what is “con sistent with equity and right,” which, if any, of tho laws for tho benefit and protection of the negro and the Union man will they “obey and uphold ?" In April, 1865, many of the same persons considered themselves very for tunate when th ay were permitted by the gen erosity of General Grout to take themselves, their persona' property and Government horses freely away from captivity on parole to “obey the laws in force where they may reside." Wore they nos on that occasion “treated by the Federal authorities as citizens, not culprits ?” Do you propose, if elected, President to amend that parole so it will read, “Obey the laws in force where they may reside, if consistent with their ideas of equity and rigid?" Can you point to tho time and place when, with the excep tion of Mr. Jefferson Davis, those who sup port you in the South have been treated by the Federal authorities otherwise than as “citi zens” since they laid down their arms ? Can you point to the time and place when those supporting you in the South have not treated as “culprits” all citizens in their communi ties who dared to uphold the rights conferred upon negroes by Federal authority? It is not the restriction, but the extension of privileges of which they complain. It was quite con sistent with their ideas of “equity and right" for President Johnson to disfranchise all the wealthy white men under hia policy of recon struction. But not so the just and concilia tory rule of Congress that enfranchised all alike, white and black, rich aud poor. BATACITY AND VILLAINY. Speaking again of those who support you in the South, you say, Mr. Greeley, “They desire a rule which, alike for white and black, shall encourage industry and thrift, and dis courage rapacity and villainy.” Did they de sire this equal and beneficent rule in 1865, when they passed vagrant laws whereby blacks were to bo sold to service, and made it a crime punishable with death or imprisonment for life for a negro to steal a bacon ham or a bushel of meal? Do they desire it now, in this current month, when they are passing poll tax and other laws in tho Georgia Legis lature that will exclude blacks from the school house, tho jury-box and the ballot-box? Do you find it in tho lows lately passed to make tho violation of a labor contract by a negro a felony, and the employment by a third party of a negro claimed as under contract to a white man, a penal offense ? Is the following advertisement, which I cut from a late Geor gia paper, evidence to your mind that the de sire for “a rule which alike for white and black shall encourage industry and thrift and discourage rapacity and villainy ’’ is being in dulged by those who support you in tho South ? BUNAWAY NEGHO. Arohey Martin, a negro mau who made a contract to work for mo the present year, run away about tho first of February, without tho slightest provocation. He is about Atlanta, as I have been informed. I will prosecute to the extent of the law, any person hiring him. April 17-ts J. 11. Mitciiei.i.. CONCLUSION. You are reported to have spoken, Mr. Gree ley, in your extempore remarks at tho Fal mouth House, Portland, in response to a ser enade in the evening, as follows: "The sixty years that have passed over my head have taught mo broader charity and kindlier con sideration for those with whom I have dif fered. I have learned to believe that there may bo reason on tho opposite side.” Did you forgot that teaching of sixty years when you were carefully writing out aud reading from manuscript your slanders in the morn ing, or is your “ broader charity and kindlier consideration ” reserved exclusively for those in the South who have become “ reconciled to tho necessity of supporting you ? ” Will you make an effort to undo the wrong you have done tho Georgia Republicans aud myself, and when in future you prepare a speech, will you have oven the narrow charity to confine your utterances to that which you know, or even believe to bo true ? Rufus B. Bullock. August, 1872. Dlatrlct Convention. A Convention of tlio Republicans of the Sixth Congressional District of Geor gia, will bo held in the city of Macon, Wednesday September With, 1872, to nominate a candidate for' Congress, and to transact such other business ns may bo necessary. The following counties compose the district: Bibb, Baldwin, Butts, Jasper, Jones, Laurens, Newton, Putnam, Rack dale, Twiggs, Walton and Wilkinson. Each county is entitled to double its representation in the Representative branch of General Assembly. By order of District Executive Com mittee. Samuel F. Gove. Chairman, ADVERTISING ItATKS OF THE AT LANTA WHIG. Ono square, (10 lines, or loss,; first insertion SI.OO. Wimn advortlsomonts uro continued for ouc month or longer, tho charge will bo us follows: X a a aagnaaao n o o 00000000 o rri ci 1 ri.iHt 'i HfU isl h ih 90 2 H.OO 12 10 1H 21 24 20 2« 30 35 3 10.0 Vl5 20 25 80 34 86 3H 40 45 4 12.00 IM 24 30 86 40 42 44 46 63 5 14.00 25 |33 36 44 46 48 50 52 GO G 16.00 30 40 45 60 55 56 57 58 65 12 30.00 60 65 70 75 SO 85 90 100 120 18 45.00 65 75 80 8.5 90 100 110 120 160 24 60,00 75 80 90 100_ HO_J2O 120_140 200 LEGAL ADVERTISING. Sheriff*’ Sales, por levyso Hulum by Administrators, Executors, aud Guardians, per square 0 00 Citation of Administration or Guardianship, per square 5 00 Notice to Debtors and Creditors 6 00 Citation for Leave to sell Land 6 00 Citation of Dismission of Administratorlo 00 citation of Dismission of Guardian 6 00 Homestead Notice 5 oo For announcing Candidates for officelo 00 Obituary Notices, Tributes of Respect, and all arti cles of a personal character, charged for as advertise ments. New Advertisements. LIME ACENCY. yj' E HAVE accepted the sole agency for the sale of THOMPSON’S LIME, and will bo prepared at all times to supply Builders* Contractors, Merchants, and others in the city, or ANYWHERE IN THE STATE, in any quantity desired, and on tho closest tkbms. 93" Quality guaranteed equal to any mado in the State. (JARRETT A BRO. sop 12-lm o /IGU/A’ST 77ZK U. 8. GOVERNMENT FOR Army Supplies, Mules, Cotton, Etc,, taken for use of the United States army during tho war, are being Carefully and Promptly Looked After through my associates in Washington City. Address— CHAS. I*. McCALLA, sep 12-ts Atianta, Ga., Key Box, 6<M. THE CREAT SKELETON WHALE! qpilE GREAT SKELETON WHALE was purchased 1 by one of our quiet citizens, and will be erecti d in a few days as A PERMANENT MUSEUM, in the city of Atlanta, and the price of admission wil be low, so that every one can visit as often as they please. sep 12-lt