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THE DAWSON WEEKLY JOURNAL.
23Y PERRYMAN & TUCKER.
gatosoft ualffklu Journal,
Published Every Thursday.
2*l* H.ttS—Strictly in *1 dr mice.
Three months 00 75
Six mouths "• $1 -5
Out year. 00
Halts ol'cldrerlisiny :
0a« dollar per square of ten lines for the
first insertion, and Seventy-live Cents per
square lor each subsequent insertion, not ex
ceeding three.
One square three months..,. ? 8 00
Hue square six months 12 00
Oue square one year 20 00
Two squares three months 12 00
T«o squares six mouths 18 00
Two squares one year 80 00
fourth of a column three moths 80 (X)
fourth of a column six mouths 50 00
Half column three moths 45 00
Half colurnu six mouths 70 00
One column three months 70 00
Oue column six months 100 00
Liberal Mtcfluclions .ffade on
Conlraet .Mrrmsftti ents.
■tii hi mu ii in t it i in in i mini in ih mill iu iiiii ■ i mu ii iiiiii iu4*
Legal Advertising.
Sheriff's Sales, per levy, $2 50
Mortgage Fi Fa Sales per square 5 00
Citations for Letters of Administration, 8 00
“ “ “ Guardianship, 3 00
Lismision from Apministration, 6 00
“ “■ Guardianship, 4 00
Application for leave to sell laud, 6 00
Sales of Land, per square, 5 00
Sales of Perishable Properly per squ'r, 8 00
Notices to Debtors and Creditors,,.... 350
Foreclosure of Mortgage, per square, 2 Oo
Kstray Notices, thirty days, 4 00
Job It 'ork ot every description exe
entedwith neatness and dispatch, at moderate
rates.
RAIL - ROAD GUIDE.
Soul It western Railroad.
WM. nOLT, Pres. | VIRGIL POWERS, Hup
Leave Macon 5.15 A. J/. ; arrive at Colum
bus 11.15 A. M. ; Leave Columbus 12.45 P.
M ; arrive at Macon 0.20 I’. M.
Leaves Macon 8 KM; arrives at Eu
fauU 5 30, P il ; Leaves Kufaula 7 20, A M ;
Arrives at Macon 4 50, P M.
ALBANY BRANCH.
Leaves Siniihville 1 4t>, I* M ; Arrives at
Albauv 3 11, P M ; Leaves Albany 9 35, A 11;
Arrives at Siuithville 11, A M.
Leave Cuthbert 3 57 P. M. ; arrive at Fort
Gains 5.40 P. M ; Leave Fort G 'ins 7.05 A
M.; ariive at C’uthbert 9.05 A. J/.
Jttacon A IVc'teni Railroad.
A J. WHITE, President.
R. WALKER, Superintendent.
DAY PASSKXUKII TRAIN.
Leaves Macon . . . 7 80 A. M.
Arrives at Atlanta . . . 1 57 P. M
Le.ves Atlanta . . . 6 55 A. M.
Arrives at Macon . . . 180 P. M.
NIGUT TRAIN.
Leaves Macon . . • 8 45 P. M.
Arrive, at Atlanta . • 4 5U A . SI.
Leaves Atlanta . • 8 10 P. M.
Arrives at Macon , . . 125A. M.
Western A Allaiitie Railroad.
CAMPBELL WALLACE, Sup’t.
DAY FAB6UNUEII TRAIN.
Ijeave Atlanta ... 845A. M.
Leave Dutton .... 2.80 P- M.
Arrive at Chattanooga . • 6.24 P. M.
Li.ve Chattanooga . - 3.20 A. M.
Ariive at Atlanta . . . 12.05 P. U.
NIGHT TRAIN.
Leave Atlanta . . . 7 00 P. M.
Arrive at Chattanooga . . 4.10 A. M.
Leave Chattanooga . . 430 P. M.
Arrive at I).linn ... 750 P. M.
Arrive at Atlanta . . . 1 41 A. M.
§wsi»f;s.s ©ante.
ORS. HODNETT A PERSYMAS
HAVLVG formed a co-partnership in the
practice of A/edicine, offer their Pro?
tessional services to tho public, and as expe
rienced Physicians in all the branches of
their profession, confidently anticipate that
their former success wifi iu&ure a liberal share
of practice.
7’he cash system having been established
in everything else, all bills will be considered
due as soon as a case is dismissed.
Office—Until further notice, iu the front
room ol the “Journal” building, up stairs.
W. 11. UODNKTT,
J L, D. PER It Y\l AN.
Dawfldtf, Ga , June l;t|
DK. R. A. WAIINOCK,
OFFKftS Sis Professional services to the
citizens of Oiiickasawhatchoc aud its
vicinity. From ample experience in both
civil and Military practice, he is prepared to
treat successfully, cases In every deDartment
ot hw profession. janlO’ti.Sif
c. B. WOOTEN,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Datcson, Ga.
■l*° 1808 lj
0. J. GOBLET. WILD C. OLXVKLXN,
GURLEY & CLEVELAND,
attorneys at law,
Milford, Balter County, Ga.
iTcTplant & SON,
Bankers A Brokers,
{Office in dirst National Bank Bnilding ,)
Entrance on Cherry st.. MACON, GA.
"UriH*' Purchase and sell Bonds, Stocks,
bold, Silver and Bank notes, and make
cstments for parties, as they may direct.
n«' * ' Morris KktcuL'm, New York,
H. Pl»kt. jane43m
ISAACS' HOUSE,
hotel and restaurant,
Cherry .flacon, Ga.
• ISAACS, : ; • Proprietor.
—^^T r<le o,ctl ,0 &l 'fi f roln Hotel. flFl
HAVEN'T & BROWN,
Wholesale and Retail
B r°K; EIAK HS, STATIONERS,
Block f? ene| al News PoalcEJ—Triangula
*■ Chcrr J Street, .Vacon, Ga.
Dawson Business Directory,
l>ry Roods Hlereliaiits.
12 RATT, T. J. Dealer in all kinds of
Dry G oods. Main Street.
OR R, UItOWN & CO., Dealers In
Fancy and Staple Dry Goods, Main st.,
under •‘Journal” Printing Office.
SIEKF.I., S. YI. A RRO., Dealers
in Foreign and Domestic Dry Goods,
Clothing, Boots, Shoes, Ilats, Trunks, &c.,
3rd door from Hotel, Main st.
IOVLESK & ORIFFIN, Dealers
-4 iu Staple Dry Goods and Groceries.
12 OBERT9, .1. W. A CO., Deal
kj ers Iu Fancy and Staple Dry Goods, and
Groceties, North West corner Public Square.
P 12101*1.128*, W. YI., Dealer in .Staple
and Fancy Dry Goods, Loyless' Block,
MaiD street.
Grocers.
McDOSAL’fSCBTIJeaW in Family
Groceries. South side 7 J ublic Square
IjHJLTOH, J. A., Dealer in Bacon,
Flour, Meal and Provisions generally, at
Sharpe Si Brown’s old stand, Miin st.
HOOI>, U. 11., Dealer in Groceries and
Family supplies generally, next door to
‘Journal” Office, Main st.
CY REF.R A SIYIYIONS, Grocery
X and Provision Dealeis, South side Pub
lic Square.
IMRHJJI A SHARPE, Dealers
iu Groceries and Provisions, opposite
Public Square, Main st.
Alexander a parrott,
Dealers in Dry Goods, Groceries and
Provisions, 2nd door from Hotel, J/ain st.
WOOTEN, win., Dealei in Groce
*ries and Provisions, Loyless Block,
Main street.
IOA'LESS, J. E., Dealer in Groce--
.J ries and Provisions, J/ain st.
Coufuctioueritt*.
BYRD A COKER, Dealers in Gro
ceries, Cakes, Candies, Confectioneries
and refreshments generally, Main street.
Drussisl.
piIGATIIAR, C. A., Druggist and
V 7 Physician; Keeps a good supply ot
Drugs and Medicines, and prescribes for all
the ills that tl sh is heir to. At his old stand,
the Red Drug Store, Maiu st.
AVarehotlsw.
I .YE ETON, .1. A., at Sharpe A Brown’s
old stand, Main street.
Loyless a griffin, ware
house and Commission Merchants, J/ain
street.
Ylilliiutv.
YI/ALLI VYISON, MISS YIOL
ti I,ll’, keeps constantly on itand the
latest siyles ot Hats, Bonne's, Dress Trim
tnings, tie., Loyless Block, J/iin st. *
H nM. »«, ,n,iu i.
4 LLEN, JOHN I*., will repair
Y Watches, Clocks, Jewelry, J/usic 11. oks,
A ecu d ; one, &c , always ta tie lound at his
old stand, on North side of Public Square.
Livery Stable*.
IYARNUYI A SH l St 6*32, Sale and
JL Liveiv Stable, Horses and Mules (or
-mlc and hire Horses boarded. North side
Public Square.
I)RINCE, N. G. A J. Ii , Sale and
Liverv Stable, and dealers in Horses and
Muiis. Carriages, Buggies arid Horses tor
hire. Horses boarded on reasonable terms
at their new Slatde on Main st.
'fobaceoiiisL
SLAV IS, XV. TANARUS., Keeps constantly on
_4 hand, all grades of Tobacco, at Alexan
der Si Parrott’s, Main street.
G II 11*311 > til.
SMITH, J- G. §., Dealer in Guns,
Pestols, Caps, Cartridges, and spotting
goods generally, Mam st.
Saloon.
ITTARD, PATRICK, Dealer in fine
1V Wines and Liquors, Cigars, Ac., J/ain St.
Tannery ami Shot- Shop.
LRE, W. NY., Shoe J/auulactory, on
South side Pulilic Square.
Cabinet Shop.
RAFSIIENBERG, ROGERS &
CO., are prepared to make and repair
anything in the Furniture line. South side
Public square.
ORR, BROWN & CO.
—ARE—
SELLING GOODS
VERY CHEAP!
“T“ ot our friends remember tb.it we lceep al*
J way* on taintl such a Bipply of GOODS as
the times and the place demand, which WIC
WILL
Sell On Reasonable Terms,
Home-Made Shoes.
Os the bust article, at
ORR, BROWN & CO’S.
Dawson, may 28th 1868 ; 3m.
BYINTGON’S HOTEL.
(Opposite The Fattengcr Dipot•)
JUACON* - - GEORGIA.
IS Now open for the reception of visitors.
Having spared no expense in furnishing
this House new throughout, and determined
that the Tab)* and Bar shall be inferior to
none in the South, 1 I eel confident that 1 can
offer to my old patrons and the public all that
they can wish iu a Hotel. Call and see me.
J. L. BYJNGTON,
fcb2osm Late of Fort VnJlfcy, Ga.
DAWSON, (»A., THURSDAY, AUGUST 13, IHGiS.
[From the Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel.
The Atlanta Mass Meeting!
SPEECH
OF
HON. IK H. HILL.
When General Cobb had concluded
his address, several bands of inu io
struck up various popular airs, in dif
ferent parts of the arbor, improvised
for the accommodation of the audi
ence.
The lion. U. 11. Hill then came for
ward, and said 1
Mr. President and Fellow Citizens :
I especially request entire quiet
while I attempt to address von to day
In addition tqjfre fact Hqp ],
follow two gentlemen who have no su
periors on this continent, I am, unfor
tunately, laboring under considerable
physical disability, the extent of which
is not even known to myself.
i greet you to-day, my countrymen,
with a joy and gladness that no lan
guage can express.
Oue year ago, 1 came, in my humble
way, to this same city, to speak to the
people what I believe to be the words
of truth and soberness. There has
been quite a change since then. On
that occasion, I met, in a quiet, retired
room, some half diZeD gentlemen, w ho
had made up their minds to brave the
storm that was coming upon us at all
hazards. That little band of half n doz
en in that private room has swelled to
day to thousands of freemen, in the
open air of this once moro to be re
deemed country. I must confess that
the history of the past year is one to
rue full of cheer and rejoicing. I may
differ with most of you, but I fee! that
during the past twelve months the
white race ol the Southern States has
done more to manifest heroism, endu
rance aud courage than any other peo
ple have over manifested on a hundred
battle fields. [Cheers] It is not un
common for a people to lose their prop
erty ; it is nothing new in the history
ol nations lor u people to bo defeated
in battle; it is not even altogether uew,
unf'ortuuately, that a people should
lose their cities and bury thoir dead ;
that they should be cowed in their
spirits, and should be made almost
hopeless of the future Hut there is
something else which is possessed by
every people far more valuable than
property, far nioreTo be desired than
cities, far more to he coveted than the
victories of war, and that thing you
still i osst ss notwithstanding your eo
your honor as a people. There were
two prepositions made to you, which I
would briefly state, so that you can
see clearly what I mean. The fir.t
ptoposit ou which affected your hojor
was, that a Congress in which you
were riot represented—a band of for
eigners, not crieof whom has ever lived
or expects to live upon your soil—nay,
men who have avowed that they hate
you, claimed the right to destroy the
government you had formed, and to
dictate to you the formation of anew
government.
Tl is was done, too, right in theteeth
of the Declaration of Independence,
which says that, all government derives
its au bolity from the consent of the
governed You are asked to forfeit
your honor because a band of foreign
ers—men tntong whom you had ho
repres ntutives among whom you
were denied represen!ation—vvh# con
fess their hale of you—these men
claimed the right-to destroy the gov
ernment which you had formed, and
to dictate the form a'ion of another in
its stead. None but slaves would have
acceded to such a demand, and none
could have been other than slaves Who
would consent to it.
The second reason why yeur honor,
as a people, was so seriously involved,
is this : That ia the formatioo of the
new government which this foreign
power dictated.it was preset ibed, as a
necessary condition, that the intelligent
and virtuous of jour people—those
whom you had all your lite deemed
worthy of the highest trust—should be
forbidden to participate, while those
who had been your slaves should be at
liberty, without discrimination, to par
ticipate. You were to form a govern
ment, under the dictation aud by the
-direction of a foreign power, and you,
in the formation of the government,
were to be deprived of the services of
tho intelligence and virtue of your
country, simply because you had ttust
e 1 them, and you had to submit to the
government being formed by those
who had recently been your slaves,
iguoiuut and debased as they wero
You will remember now that these are
tho reasons why your honor was in
volved. The base Congress—the un
precedentedly traitorous Congress who
got their own consent thus to attempt,
in the day of their power, to dishonor
an unarmed people —this Congress, 1
say, had a vague, lingering suspicion
of the dishonor of their scheme, and !
therefore provided a plan by which the!
infamy should seem to spring from
your own consent. Weil, J confess i
truly, that when I looked at tho pie- !
ture; when I saw the issue and re- 1
membered that no peoplo had ever!
grown great who suflered their honor j
to be sullied—no people bad recovered i
from misfortune who bad yielded their
honol - to the enemy—when I remen) :
berod all these things and saw the con-1
dilion of our people, saw all the dan- j
gets that surrounded them und the
power that dictated these terms, Oh 1;
G<-d, thou aud thou only, knowest the 1
anxiety ol rny spirit! W hen the suioxe j
of our but ning cities went up to heav- i
en. and our bravo tneD fell in battle, 1
| was grieved exceedingly, but wrist) a I
whole people—millions of freemen—
were asked—ordered—commanded by
power to sacrifice thoir honor at the
(lidding of hate, and there were found
tho»e who whispered that-the sacrifice
would be made, tny heart did sink
within me; and when I remember now
the means and appliances brought to
bear to compel you to yield, I do ro
joice in knowing that you refused.—
[Cheers]. I have had oniy one point
to accomplish in this struggle; eome
? have troubled themselves about offices
, others about votes, others yet about
carrying the election against the Con
vention, and still others about the de
feat of the constitution. For all of this
I care nothing; the great and ottlv
point which I tiad ever felt to be of se
rious consequence in this strngglo was
to induce and persuade the white peo
ple of the South never to consent to
Uoi*- infamy. I knew that eleclions
would be declared successful; I knew
that, right or wrong, they would say
that the elections were carried. They
came for that purpose That was not
the point with me. I w anted your
women and children to see; I wanted
posterity to know, wanted a record
made so that it could be read by all
men, now and forever, that the white
people of the South refused to give
their-conseut to this iniquity. [Cheers ]
That is why I wrote and spoke; that
is why l despised the infamous and de
fied the powerful. Still, fellow-citizens,
it was a time to fear. If I doubted
and trembled on that occasion do not
blame me ; if I feared you would uot
be equal to the great crisis, don’t chide
me. Remember the powerful influence
brou jht to bear. The Congress claimed
to be till powerful, and they avowed
their purpose of earning out this infa
my, and if you did not aceepv it, of
making you accept a worse First of
nil these :n carrying out that plun,
they sent the military Here; they sent
an army of bayonets to make war upon
a helpiess people as another means of
accomplishing this infamy and secu
ring the form of your consent; they
came to some of your own public men
—natives of Georgia and of tne South
—men whom you had honored of old,
ami they bought them up as coadju
tors in the work. [Cries of Joe Brown]
No, I don’t allude to that mm. I tell
you, my friends, his name forms a sub
ject tnat is becoming too vulgar for
reference iu decent company. [Cheers
ard laughter, and cries of “that's so.'|
I speak ol a class and I affirm fear
lessly, and I want the people of tiio
; coun ry to know it, that there was not
a single Southern public man who ad
vocated the acceptance if this recon
jslruclion scheme who was not bought,
anu unngnt witn a price, by your ene
mies. [Cheers.] The price has partial
ly been paid, and you are to jay the
balance. [Laughter] Whit argu
ments did they use ? Did they appeal
J to your pride, your honor, or your in
| terests? Not a; all. They came among
I you and travelled from the seaboard to
I the mountains, and they told an im
pove: ishod people “If you don’t ac
cept this infamy the little p operty
that you have left shall be confiscated
and every man of you Shall be di.-fran
cb'Led !” Congress, claiming to bo all
powctful, instilled an army in your
midst, aud fund citizens ready and will
ing to urge, to persuade, to ictiin date
aud to threaten a starving and almost
helpless people.
0 i, my countrymen, proud ns I know
Southern blood to be, don’t chide tnotf,
in this dark hour, I felt uneasy ; I con
lesj that I did. I happened to bo in
New York city when the first election
in the South came off, and I shall never
so get how my hopes were lifted and my
desires fulfilled ou receipt of the first
telegram the or South, giving, as one of
the facts connected with the first day of
the election, that the whites refuse to
have acything to do with it. I waited
anxiously for the second day, tbiuking
that perhaps the “superior race’ had
crowded iu, aud the whites were, oo that
account, unable to get to tbo polls.—
[Laughter.] The second day came,
and brought the nows that the whites
had, almost to a man, remained away
from the polls—only a few carpet-bag
gers and office seckets voiiug, thus
the election wwent on to the
last. I tell yetfT fellow-eitlzeos, I
moved among the inhabitants of the
commercial metropolis prouder that day
than ever before. 1 shall never forget
meeting some of the promiuent men of
that city, one of whom said to me, ‘We
had been tought to believe that the peo
ot the South would endorso this meas
ure, and they have bad uothifig to do
| with it.” ‘jWhy,” added he, “you*
i people aro more honorable than we gave
them credit for.” Well, the power with
the bayonet said that a Convention was
ordered. All knew, Lowever, that it
was ordered by negroes, not by whites
—though, in tiutb, nobody did order it
but the bayouct and certain scoundrels.
The negroes never ordered it. I exon
erate the negroes. [Laughter ] las -
firm to-day another grert tact, which 1
want to bo remembered, and which,
whenever tbo occasion may demand,!
' stand prepared to support. The Con
; ventiuu in Georgia was defeated by
I thirty thousand votes ! [Wild cheex-
I ing.] Ah, tny friends, there is nothing
J like it >n history i Yuu wero puyr you
were betrayed, tempted, threatened—
you were told that every man than did
not vote for the Convention must have
his little remaining property confiscated,
besides being disfrauohi-ed, and that the
list of voters was to be used to asslrtain
who you were.
Miserable threat ! I’roud people—,
noble ! The verdict you gave was that, I
though many of our gallant spirits
were sleeping under tbo sod, there was
heroism still in the South. [Euthusias- ■
tie cbceis.] Well, the false convention
as-etnblcd, and a thing called a consti
tution was framed. It bad to be ratillid,
and a Gov rnor and officers had to bo
chosen, and what was the appeal thou ?
Os courso, if the Southern white people
approved the constitution, tho dishonor
wai complete. They had exhausted ap
peals to your fears—you could not be
frightened from your honor—and the
next thing was to buy you up. So they
put in the new constitution something
called relief. The few men in the tdouth
(who, unfortunately, wero Southcen
men from accident or other Cause) who
had add themselves to engage in this
work, being entirely conscious that-they
were bought up for the purpose, thought
of course, that the satuo moans would
answer for the balance of tbc people.—
They, therefore, sought to buy you,
and they promised you relief. I came
here to this very city and 1
took occasion to notify you that this
promise was put in the new Constitu
tion for no other purpose than to cheat
you, and that the rogues and bypoc its
who put it in, did so with tbo distinct
knowledge that it would be striukeu
out after the election. The question was
this : how many men in Georgia nre
willing to confess themselves no better
than negroes if they could thereby get
rid of their debts ? hew many of you
would bo wiiling to be negroes, if by
being negroes you eould be excused
from paying your debts ? Well, I Cjtme
to this city iu March to inaugurate the
fight on that question, and some of vou
my friends, were weak kneed. You
didn’t do right. A good many of you
came to me then aud said, “Don’t you
you say anything against the Constitu
tion ; every body is going to vote for it,
everybody was gaiog to be sold. It was
a great wound to inflict upon me. I was
struggling for nothing on this earth but
to preserve the honor of the people of
Georgia, and knowing that that they
could not be frightened, I hoped thoy
could not be bought. We made the
fight, and let the whole world know it,
the white people of Georgia, by an over
whelming majority refused to bo bought.
Homo few men, I apprehend, aro
about in the category of the poor ne
groes who voted for the Convention to
get “forty acres and a mule.” Ah you
poor victims of a wily hypoerby—of
men to whom Good gave a white skin
by mistake ! [Laughter.] You who
went upon the public block, before your
countryman and the world, and public
ly proclaimed that you were willing to
boa negro, if, by being a negro, you
could be excused from paying your
debts, how do you foel to-day, afte.
agreeiug to be a negro and having to
pay your debts, too ? [Liugbter]
My friends, General Gobb made a
request of the military; I shan’t mako
any —never intended to ; but! advtsc
you, poor follows, to nnke one. The
only evidence ot hew you voted is in
the possession of tho military. Go,
then, before they leave, end ask them
to bum up tho record The-great ma
jority of the white people spurned tho
bribe and despised the bribers, and let
it be forever remembered, to your pride
and honor, that the pcoplo of Georgia
under the threat of the bayonet, with
the temptations of treachery all round
and iu the very ashes of their poverty,
have said to all mankind.- “We can
neither be frightened or bought, from
our honor.’’ [Great cheering ]
I have said tho military declared a
Convention bad been ordered, when
there was thirty thousand majority
against it. Thoy also declared that
Gordon was defeated, and that the Rad
ical party had succeeded, when, in truth
Gordon was elected by n arly ten thou
sand votes. [Tremendous cheers ] I
say that it is so, eouuting the correctly
registered voters and correcting the
fraudsof the badot. I repeat counting
the honest registered voters, I say that
this Express Agent was largely dofeated
for Governor, and ho kuowj it, and they
know it.
We won two victories, and we won
tliein rgaiust the bayonet, agniost force,
against fraul, against treachery, and
against the negroes. Tho white people
of this conntry are not going to consent
to this thiug; they never havo and
never will. If tbc Radicals have been
unable thus far to get the consent of
the white peoble to shis scheme of in
famy, will they be able to do it hereaf
ter.? How can they ? They have ap
pealed to your fears and your avarice
and taking advantage of your poverty,
but they have been disappointed; they
have failed ia their schemes, and I tell
yen that there is no argument or appli
ance which they can use in tho iuture
mqre powerful than these tb y have
used iu the past. Any people who can
withstand such appliances off rce and
pressure as havo been brought to bear
upon you withiu the past twelve months,
can never be soJuccd or dtivon from
their honor. lam proud of Georgia,
and t pray that when God takes tne
hed6e my bofles may be laid in her hon
ored did soil. [/» voice, “You’ll go to
Heaven.”
My friends, I wish to pass now to an
other subject. The issue has somewhat
changed. I have t.oid you what the is
sue has beeb the last twelve months and
I wish to state here, in a few brief words
the main points in issue now. Sane
who consented to be bouglufor the pur
pose of inducing the peoplo,of the South }
to accept this it famy offered this ex- 1
case : They said they were not going !
to be radicals, they were not going to I
consent to negro gqyormocut, hut they
said “let us seem to go into this thing,
let us go back iuto (he Union, and then
we’ll i urn it all over, and do as wo
jlea>e,” That was an argument based
upon tr«achory. They had betrayed
you, aud they were justifying tbeir
treachery to you by proving that they
were going to betray the RcMealß.
That suggestion deceived a great maoy I
people for a time. For myself, I had
nothing to do with r, beeauso I could
not consent to join traitors. I don’t
believe in treachery—no peoplo ever
saved themselves by it. Where the
honor of a peoplo is involved they can
not swerve from principle for tho sake
of policy. Tho only line of honor is a
direct one. Hut what is the result ?
Those manipulators at Washington who
bought these Southern mo:i had more
sense than tho men they bought. They
were not going to be c .nght in any tueb
trap hs that, and in this respect my
propheey has turned out to be correct.
The issue now, then, is this: Shall this
infamy, which has been thrust upon
the people of Georgia and of the other
Snutheru States, be valid and p;rpetu
al't That is the first point to which l
wish to direct yourattention. Iu order
that it may be perpetual, the Chicago
platform says that the rights of the
Northern States to regulate tbo fran
chise and to change aud modifiy tbeir
own Constitutions shall not bo infringed
but the Southern people shall not have
the right to change their Constitutions a
will. Now, if anything in Amcricau j
history never was disputed before it is
this, that the 8 ates were members of
the Uuion on an equal footing; and
there is no mau, from George Wash
ington down, whether high or low, -wise
or simple, black or white, who ever had
any idea that tho Uuitn formed by the
Slates was a Uuion of unequal States ;
it was always admitted that the States
wer« equal and each retained control
of the franchiso. I state a mere fact
and history. Since the acknowledge
ment of our h.story. Since the ac
knowledgement of our independence,
we have added tweuty foui now States
to the UoioD, aud iu every act admit
ting a State as a member of this Union,
it is distinctly stated that she is atmit
ted on an equal f. oting with all the
other S ates. lijt this Chicago Conven
tion with the Georgia Radicals iu it, for
the first time in American history makes
the declaration that the Uuion shall be
a Union of unequal States. 1 want you
all to •/. member that point. It is the
great aim of the llad cals. Where are
you now, my good Union men 7 You
that wanted to ge* back iDto the Union
and were willing to Baetifico everything
(or the accomplishment of that object;
you that congratulated the country up
on being agaiu “in the Union?” [A
voice “none.”] It is a Uuion in wLieb
the Southern States are vassals ind the
Northern States are rulers. I want you
to hear itand ot remember it. That is
tm re sheer naked di-union in tho most
odious and traitorous form in which the
word was ever spoken. [Gicat cheers.]
It cuts the femoral artery; it is a stab
to the very heart, and destroys the
Uuion of eqeal S.ates which our fath
ers forme 7.
I road with shame and mortification
—(I know tho poor feltow did nut know
much ) I road, I say, in tbo papers that
this stupid Express Agcut, in tho pres
ence and under the protection of farce
and treachery, went, yesterday, through
the farce of being inaugurated a uiiseta
blc sbatn Governor of Geocgia. Why,
every word he uttered shows he docs
not, this day, know the difference be
tween a restored Uoioo of < qual States
and a constructed new Uuiou of une
qual States. Tdke that fact down ; pen
cil it carefully and take it to your hearts
If I cau teach you to tike home with
you that sicglu sentenc', you will uot
have couio here to-day iu vain. There
never was, in tbo history of our peoplo,
such a bold, plain, palpable, universally
admitted cause of war as that simple
statement iu that Chicago plattorro.
And yet that is not all. You, gen
tlemen, who thiuk you are members of a
Legislature—-poor, deluded souls, how I
pity you I—-you who coma here and go
through the form of passiug laws, I
want you to hear one thing. Nut only,
is that doctrine of unequal S ates in the
Chicago platform, but it is in what you
call your Omnibus Admission Bill.—
That bill prescribes the manner in which
you shall go back, and every one of you
who voted the oth-.r day to get back, as
you say, iuto th» Union, agreed to the'
doctrino that Georgia shall never have
the right to do what Ohio can do; that
the Southern States shall never have
the right to do what tbo Northern
States can do. You agreed to remain
forever an un» qual member of the Union
You agreed that you would get back ißtd
tho Union by consenting that Georgia
shall ucver have* the power to mediTv or
to change her own State Constituiltm.
as to ber own domestic affairs, second T
ing to her own will and jilcasure. [A
voice : “They didu’t know any better.']
Ah ! you renegades—you rogues—who
tried to steal your neighbors' property
and conld not do it. Ah !ye men that
adopted the ReetDilrnction measures for
the purpose of getting back into the
Union and then catching the Radicals
by changing the Constitution afterward.
Are you not caught—caught by Thnd.
Stevent—caught by Charles Sumuer ?
I don’t know but one thing that is worse
afld that is agraerjg to be a negro to get
rid of your debts, and then, after becom
ing a negro, having your debts to pay.
[Cheers, with cries of “Good.’ ] * .
Remember, oh, my countrywomen—
mothers, teach it to your chi.dreu as
you rock them in their cradles, and iu ;
the nursery ditties by which you seud |
them to sleep—toil them that men— I
white men—Georgians—some them “to !
the rtiafioh * —have some upion this ■
classical eld bill arod have deliberately I
put upon record tbeir edonvo consent
that the proud old State of Georgia goes
back into the Union on the exptess cob- 1
clition that she shall never be equal to
other States. Ou, you renegades from 1
everything that cun make you hope lor i
even a chance of being geutiemeu. You
have buried the sovereignty of your
State; you have sullied the character of
y-. ur ancestors and agreed to make ves
tals of your chiidrrß. Yi u have agreed
Yol. 111.
Noa U3’?'.
to wear a Radical yoke in ordei* to vote
yourselves eight dollars a day for a few
hot days in summer. [Cheers.] That ia
the UnioD wc have— a Union of unequal
States. Ye cowardly, base disunionista
of tho vilest type, you disgrace humani
ty by calling honest Don rebels. That is
not all. You have not only agreed to in
equality, but you have also agreed to
what is called the equality of races ; that
is, you Lave tgreed to equality among
tho races as a condition of getting baok
into tho Uuion; and you have agreed
that shall never be changed ; but yon
are so given to lyinj? that you could oot
tell the truth even when you thought
it was to your interest to do it [Laugh-
Vou say in your record that you have agreed
to au equality of the races when you know
you vile hypocrites, that the very agreement
you nuke includes the disfranchisement of
the intelligent, virtuous and educated, and
wealthy white men, and that they sh&li not
be allowed to hold office ia this country, or
while any scalawag or negro may. Is that
equality ? [Several cries of “no. ,f ts the ne
gro has a right to vote and hold offioe, why
uot these men whom you have always trust
ed ? Ob, you whited sepulchres—ye who are
degrading the poor negro by your example
ot fraud and treachery. Ye vile renegades
from every law of God and every right of bu
manity, you are deceiving the Unfortunate
negro to his ruin. [A voice, n that f s what’s
the matter.”J If the negroes eter get a per
manent right to vote in this country, it must
be by the cousent of the people that live here.
If the negroes, when this infamous propo
sition was made to them by more infamous
white men, to disfranchise the white people,
had come out and said publicly and openly,
“We aro willing to accept the franchise ; if
ihore is any benefit iu political equality wo
waut ii; but we will never consent to disfran
chise the intelligent white men of this coun
try.” If the negroes had come out and said
that they Would have furnished an evidence
that they were capable of exercising the fesa
cuise. (A voice, “some of them didlt. "j Yes,
and those that did it must forever be remem
bered. You radicnls of the Legislature have
agreed to degrade your own State and poople,
nud you have agreed that tbkt degradation
shall be perpetual.
The question in this cofifest is, whether
that programme BOall be carried out. That
is where Grant stands, and where Colfax
stands, and where all you vagabonds stand.
Where do wo stand f Where do Seymour
and Blair stand? Upon the glorious ances
tral doctrine that the States are equal, and
that white blood is superior. (Loud applause.)
Now choose ye which you will Vote for.—
Some of you got scared last fail for fear of
losing your property by confiscation ; others
of you were afraid of being disfranchised;
and others still were bought, this spring with
relief. Where is relief now » Echo answers
where? (Cheers.) Now, come, iny friends, I
kuovv you feel very badly. I know you don’t
feel like associating with gentlemen; come
now, go home immediately, tell your Wife to
put on yoa a clean shirt (laughter and cheers)
take a good wash vrith soap and warm water,
aod theu com. back and be free aud decent
white men. Come to our side of the ques
tion. We will try to forgive you, but you
must come quick. I admit that there ar«
Borne of you I would be very sorry to see
come, for the reasou that I know our party
ivouU be bet-aved very soon. Still, you who
didn’t know any better—you wt.„ „C. U
—if you will clean up and get on a clean
shirt, we will take you back, (Cheers and
laughter.) How many white men in Georgia
arc going to say by their vote that Georgia is
not an equal member of this Union with
K‘ ode Island, and that Virginia—proud old
\ irgiuia—that State whieh liaa in its bosom
the ashes ot Washington, and has furnished
more Presidents to this country than any oth
er S ate, shall not be the equal of Kansas? I
want to know too, how many men in Georgia
are willing to put upon the record, that pau~
periam shall fit the burdens for property, and
ignorance and yice shall prescribe the laws
for intelligence and yirtue ? Take this con
cern up here—take the Radical wiog of it and
(ell mu how much property in this State they
possess. (A voice, “Joe Brown has a good
lot of it, but he stole it.”) It is true there is
one mau iu the whole concern that represents
some properly, and it is said he stole it—
(Cheers and laughter.) I repeat, how much
property do the Radical members of this thing
that imagines itself a Legislature, represent?
(A voice, “e'ght dollars u day.”) Yes, but it
does not.ropre.-eut taxable property enough
to pay their per diem. And these men are
to make laws to disfranchised property-hold
ers in this eulightened nineteenth century
and in thischiisliau country. Shame, shame I
Is there a member of the Legislature who
heais me to day ? Ah, to your.shame be it
said, more than a hundred of you have so
recorded vour names. Go, my friends and
lake it back, lor 1 charge you this day, in this
bright suu and in this sen Irak city of Georgia,
that if that record remains as you have made
it, whoreby jou have covenanted and agreed
Ibat these ijoathern Slates shall be unequal
members of ibid Union and that the intelli
gent men of this country shall be disfran
chised and deprived of ’their right to hold
office, and that pauperism shall fix the har
den of taxation, aud vice and ignorance make
laws for iuUjliigsnce and virtue, you will go
down to posterity so infamous that when a
legitimate Legislature shall have assembled,
some unfortunate creatures, who may be
compelled by Providence to call you father,
will apply to the Legislature to have their
names changed. I understand some of you
who voted lor that 14th Article, and voted to
expunge relief, eat! yourselves democrats.—
Yoti are Wain, deluded eteat area If yon think
that the Democratic door will beeveropeuto
receive you with such a name. Such a vote
is directly against the Democratic platform,
and directly for the Radical platform, and
must be repented of and changed.
Are these, then, the terms of the new Con
stitution ? terms cf n?gro dominion, of pau
perism in powev and iguoranoe in legislating.
I say aueb terms will never succeed. The
white people have refused to conseot to them,
ands tell yon that they will not consent to
them, and you can never establish any gor—w
ermueot iu this country .against the couseut
of the white people. The Supreme Couit of
the United Stubs made up their minds that
the rccohstruction measures were unconstitu
tional and void, hut they were too cowardly
to declare the decision. This is a melancholy
fact, that the Supreme Judiciary oi thiscoun
try should have given way so cowardly. But
it will not always be thus—it cannot forever
refuse to pronounce its decision. It is true,
•a Radical Congress has taken sway juriadie
tiou in the McAtdle case. A gentleman, who
is the only real Governor of Georgia, is mak
ing a case in which jurisdiction is given by
the Constitution. (Cries of “three cheers for
Jenkins,” giveuby the whole audience.) Yes,
when I mention hint, I mention a man who,
iu any n-e or nation, is worthy to be a Gov
ernor 1 I tell you, then, yon who trade in the
rcrpeei ability of your race—you who are ven
dors of yaur people’s honor —I tell you to
, day that this very Court w ill prouounce these
j acts uneous’ltutiomil and void, and eveisy*
| tiling done under them unconstitutional and
void.
I But we base a party now organized, a
! strong and a glorious party, with statesmen
at its head and with coiicct principles for its
: plaifoi m. From Maine to California the glow
j tious tiamp of the Democracy is growing
more and mere distinct, and by November a
verdict will be pronounced by the great free-
